I believe that the Kashmir “issue” can no more be solved by dialogue
either with the Pakistanis or the Hurriyat. This is because the
Pakistan army has now a majority of Captains and Colonels owing
allegiance to the Taliban. In another five years, they will reach, by
promotions, the Corps Commander level. We know that the Government in
Pakistan is controlled by the seven Corps Commanders of the Army.
Therefore, a Taliban Government in Pakistan is inevitable; and a Jihad
against Hindustan the logical consequence. In turn, the Hurriyat is an
organization that cannot go against Pakistan.
So, Hindustan has about five years to prepare for a decisive and
defining War with Pakistan, and we must prepare to win it. We,
therefore, have to throw out of office in the coming elections all
those Hindustani politicians who crave or preen themselves on being
popular in Pakistan by sounding reasonable and Secular, as also
equivocating on every issue. For the survival of the ancient
civilization of Hindustan, we have to win that inevitable War and
recover the whole of Kashmir.
I will not blame the Jihadis for the coming War. They are, after all,
programmed for that Way by Islamic theology. I will blame ourselves
for not understanding the fundamentals of Islam as propounded in the
Sira and the Hadith. It teaches that if Muslims are in a majority,
they must rule (Darul Islam), and then everyone else is a dhimmi and a
kafir, who do not have equal rights of worship. Thus, in Saudi Arabia,
you cannot even display a picture of a Hindu God inside your own home!
When Muslims are in a hopeless minority, then Sira and Hadith urge
Muslims to make a deal with the majority and make no demands (Darul
Ahad). In the US and Australia, for example, Muslims will, therefore,
never ask for separate Shariat personal law. If Muslims are not
hopelessly in a minority, Islam directs that true Muslims conduct
subversions and act against all human values to leverage their
position (Darul Harab) to become of defining influence in the polity,
and ultimately become rulers. We saw this in Kashmir recently when the
Government was made to cave in on the most humane gesture of allotting
land to make Hindu pilgrims feel comfortable while on arduous journey
to the Amarnath caves. And we have it on the authority of the Chief
Minister of the State that the agitation against the allotment was
financed by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.
It is foolish, therefore, in the face of this reality to expound the
banal sentiment that “all Muslims are not terrorists or fanatics”. Of
course, that is true. Or that Koran is a message of peace. May be it
is. However, the Islam of the cutting edge of Muslim thought
propounded by leaders such as Osama Bin Laden is in Sira and Hadith,
which calls on the faithful to wage war against the infidels who
cannot strike back effectively and crush them.
The struggle for Kashmir by the Jihadis thus is not just for
Independence. They, instead, want a Darul Islam there and for the
State to become a part of the Caliphate. Hindus are a special target
because despite Iran, Iraq, Egypt and other countries becoming
majority Muslim after less than two decades of conquest and
brutalization, Hindusthan after a thousand years of massacres, mayhem
and rape remained dominantly Hindu. This is a living affront for the
fundamentalist Muslim, and in their seminaries and madrassas in Iran
and Saudi Arabia, they even today debate and agonize over it.
Contrary to the British imperialist propaganda, the Hindus did not
just lie down and be conquered by foreign invaders. The Hindu fighting
spirit had never dimmed, even if weakened, by traitors within.
Periodically, the Hindus rose in revolt symbolized by the
Vijayanagaram Empire (which lasted 300 years), or in Shivaji’s
bravery, or Guru Gobind Singh’s campaigns, or the Maratha national
Most of us thus remained Hindus, defiant, even if in poverty and
misery, singing Vande Mataram. This is the true history of Hindusthan
which the fundamentalist Muslim and the British imperialist historians
cannot bear to acknowledge.
Accommodation and compromise with Islamic terrorists is self-defeating
and suicidal. We have, instead, to fight back, for which Kashmir is
the starting point. Hindu renaissance, long overdue, will be nurtured
if we look for an opportunity to seize back the occupied areas of
Kashmir, and make the Jihadis feel that in Hindusthan there can only
be Darul Ahad for Muslims. We had opportunities earlier to demonstrate
that, for example, in 1948, 1971, 1999, and 2001. But we let it go.
So, let there be no more intellectual confusion about the identity of
Hindusthan as a Hindu Rashtra (Nation), which means a land of Hindus
and those others who acknowledge proudly that their ancestors are
Hindus. If Muslims acknowledge this truth, then they are welcome as a
part of our family. And those who do not so acknowledge, cannot be
equal citizens in Hindusthan. Therefore, we shall not agree to any
more truncation of Hindusthani territory.
We have to, therefore, disown UN Resolutions and Hindustan-Pakistan
Treaties, such as signed in Simla in 1972, as unauthorized Nehruvian
policy blunders. The legality of the Instrument of Accession signed in
favour of Hindusthan by the then Maharaja of J&K on October 26, 1947
has to prevail. Otherwise, it will create a plethora of legal issues,
including what will become the status of the Maharaja if we abrogate
this Instrument. Will Dr. Karan Singh, the son of Maharaja Hari Singh,
have then a claim to be regarded again as an independent and sovereign
King of J&K? In the Junagadh issue, Pakistan had held the Instrument
once signed is “final, irrevocable, and not requiring the wishes of
the people to be ascertained”. That is the correct position. But the
Junagadh Nawab after signing the Instrument in favour of Pakistan,
invaded the neighbouring princely states, states which had acceded to
Hindusthan. So when the Hindusthani Army was moved by Patel to defend
these areas, the Nawab ran away to Pakistan. His subjects were mostly
Hindu, who then welcomed the Hindusthani army.
Furthermore, on what legal basis, can we now seek to ascertain the
wishes of the people of J&K when the India Independence Act of 1947,
passed by the British Parliament, makes no provision for the same?
After all, it was this same Act which created a legal entity called
Pakistan, carved out from the united Hindusthan. Hindusthan, under the
Act, was a settled and continuing entity, out of which the British
Parliament made a new entity called Pakistan. Never in previous
history there was ever a country called Pakistan. The concept itself
was formulated only in 1947.
By what mechanism can then Pakistan today seek to amend, or even
de-recognise, the Act, without unwittingly undermining the legal
status of Pakistan itself? That is, if the Instrument of Accession is
called into question, will not the Partition itself be subject to
challenge, as without legal basis on the same consideration? I raise
this question also because in the case of Beruberi in Eastern
Hindusthan, the transfer of that area to Bangla Desh although agreed
to, has been enmeshed in prolonged litigation in the Hindusthani
Supreme Court because of Article 1 of the Hindusthani Constitution
which bars de-merger of any Hindusthani territory after 1950.
Hindusthani Army Jawans created Bangla Desh out of Pakistan. But
despite that, and drunk with their Darul Islam status, the Bengali
Muslims have not only driven out the Hindus, or butchered them, or
forcibly converted them, but millions of Bengali Muslims have sneaked
into Hindusthan and are happily working with Hindus in Hindusthan. The
Partition was agreed to by Hindus only for those Muslims who could not
bear to live under Hindu hegemony. And, after getting their territory,
they cannot now say that they are happy to live in Hindusthan with the
Therefore, a virat Hindu Rashtra (Nation) should tell Bangla Desh to
take back their Muslims, or hand over one-third of Bangla Desh
territory as compensation. If they do not agree, then we must send two
divisions of the Hindustani Army from Sylhet to Khulna, and annex
one-third of north Bangla Desh as our due, for bearing the economic
and political burden of Bangla Deshis in our country. This will make
our access to Assam and the North-East much easier too. But, more
strategically, it will send a powerful and salutary signal to
Pakistani terrorists that Hindus will no more be passive.
These actions are possible if we gear up diplomatically for it. Today,
the world is sick of the terrorism and the greed of Muslims nations to
make money out of the sale of oil which they have got by sheer
accident of geology. Therefore, we must make strong allies. Israel is
one such country. We must find ways to make China see our interests.
It can be done if we know how to come to an understanding with them.
This is essential for isolating Pakistan. At present, China has begun
to see the tinder box that Pakistan has become. Uighurs from Xinjiang
have been to madrassas of Pakistan for training in subversion in
Urumuchi and to sabotage the Beijing Olympics This worries China. It
Therefore, to lay the foundation for the liberation of Kashmir, we
must have President’s Rule for some time. Hindustan should refuse to
engage in any dialogue on Kashmir in which the other side does not
accept the whole of Kashmir as an integral and inalienable part of
Hindustan. The people of Kashmir should be left in no doubt in their
minds where the citizens of Hindu Rashtra stand on the future of the
state: that it lies with us. Every Hindu has a claim on Kashmir. I,
for one, claim it because my Gotra (lineage, clan) is Kashyapa. It was
Rishi Kashyapa who invented Kashmir out of the Dal Lake. Hence, my
We should undo the “cleansing” of the state of Kashmiri Hindu Pandits
by sending 1 million ex-servicemen and families into the Kashmir
Valley for re-settlement. Article 370 of the Constitution will have to
be removed for that purpose; but according to the Constitution itself,
it is supposed to be a “temporary provision” not requiring a
Parliamentary two-thirds majority for amendment. It can be erased by a
Presidential Notification on the recommendation of the Union Cabinet.
Then, we await a War. We do not have to go to War with Pakistan on
Kashmir because a Talibanised Pakistan will provide us with the
opportunity. What I am advocating here is that we prepare mentally and
militarily for that eventuality, and having been provided that
opportunity, go for the jackpot — to use an American slang.